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Right turn ahead. But where are the Liberals really going?

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The Liberal Party’s decision to elevate Angus Taylor marks more than a routine leadership change.

It signals a strategic wager: that repositioning toward the right can arrest electoral decline, rebuild identity, and reconnect with voters who feel politically homeless.

For many Australians, this shift will feel both familiar and uncertain.

Familiar, because the Liberal Party has historically balanced economic liberalism with selective appeals to conservative instincts. Uncertain, because the political environment confronting Taylor is vastly different from the one navigated by John Howard or Tony Abbott. Voters are more fragmented. Trust in institutions is more fragile. Cost-of-living pressures dominate kitchen-table conversations. And the party itself is divided over what it stands for.

At its core, Taylor’s leadership represents the conservative wing’s argument that clarity beats ambiguity.

After the Coalition’s bruising defeats and what many supporters viewed as an uninspiring performance under Peter Dutton, conservatives have effectively declared: this is the direction, and this is the test. If a more explicitly right-leaning Liberal leader cannot regain ground, deeper structural questions about the party’s future become unavoidable.

History is calling

Yet history offers a cautionary lesson.

The most electorally successful Liberal eras were rarely defined by ideological purity. Howard, often remembered for cultural conservatism and strong borders rhetoric, governed primarily through economic management, fiscal discipline, and structural reform. He put his Prime Ministership on the line over and over again. His political success came from persuading Labor voters that the Liberals were the safer custodians of prosperity, not from positioning the party at the ideological edges.

Howard’s battlers were people who had been left behind by Labor’s transformative years.

Importantly, political rhetoric and governing reality have never perfectly aligned.

Howard’s pre-1996 scepticism about aspects of globalisation did not prevent Australia’s continued embrace of foreign investment and economic integration. Abbott’s emphasis on border control did not redefine the broader economic consensus. Governments, regardless of campaign tone, tend to bend toward economic necessity.

Three year election cycles push candidates towards making promises they can’t keep, and the last election became a spending spree to essentially buy votes. But who pays the bill?

That question remains the defining constraint today.

In politics, either they’re in crisis, or you’re in crisis. The art is to create the circumstances where they’re tearing themselves apart.

We want everything

Across advanced Western economies, rising social expenditure, ageing populations, and productivity challenges are placing immense pressure on public finances. Migration, taxation, and growth are no longer abstract policy debates; they are mathematical realities. Governments require revenue. Economies require expansion. Voters demand services, and they want to use their Medicare card, not their credit card.

Australia’s paradox is particularly striking.

Despite extraordinary natural resource wealth, Australians shoulder relatively high income taxes to sustain public services expected of a modern developed nation. Comparisons with low-tax resource states overlook critical differences in governance models, demographics, and institutional structures. Still, the underlying voter frustration is real: people feel they are paying more while their living standards feel squeezed.

Along comes Taylor

This is where Taylor’s leadership will be tested most severely.

Not on slogans about ideology, but on economic credibility. He is, after all, a Rhodes Scholar.

For voters in their 30s and 40s, professionals, small business owners, tradespeople, families balancing mortgages and school fees, politics is increasingly filtered through lived experience. Grocery bills. Power prices. Housing affordability. Business viability. Opportunity. Risk.

These voters are rarely ideological warriors.

They are pragmatic. They value free enterprise and economic stability. They believe in personal responsibility but also expect functioning healthcare, infrastructure, and social safety nets. They are patriotic without being insular. Globally minded without being detached from local concerns.

Many of them feel underrepresented.

Labor often feels culturally distant. The Liberals often feel strategically confused. The Teals attract slices of urban discontent but do not offer a comprehensive alternative. Minor parties channel protest but rarely deliver governing pathways.

While the Greens and One Nation recognise the problems, can they offer solutions? 

The rise of parties like One Nation reflects less a wholesale ideological shift than a hunger for perceived conviction. Voters may not agree with every position, but they respond to parties that firmly stand for something.

Liberal question

The Liberal Party’s mission is different to One Nation’s. It must stand for something credible, not merely something loud. Howard, Thatcher and Regan could all stand in the loudest room, being shouted at and abused, and calmly provided an answer.

If Taylor’s leadership becomes defined primarily by trying to win back One Nation votes, the party risks reinforcing perceptions that it is speaking to narrower constituencies rather than the economic anxieties of the mainstream.

Australians  are fed up, but voters usually make a decision on “the best of a bad bunch”. So if Taylor anchors his agenda in growth, opportunity, tax reform, business confidence, and stable government, the party may rediscover its traditional electoral advantage. Albanese’s government to his credit has been without the dramas of the Rudd/Gillard or Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison years. When Labor looks stable, the conservatives have a problem.

The uncomfortable reality is this:

Governments are ultimately judged on economic outcomes and house prices. While the media seems to want house prices to fall, the millions of people who own houses want prices to go up. Their house is their number one asset, so why wouldn’t they?

Australians are living through a period of persistent financial unease. Inflationary pressures, housing stress, and business closures have created a pervasive sense that the system is under strain. Voters do not need theoretical debates about ideology. They want explanations that match what their eyes can see.

Here are some questions to answer:

Why does migration feel disconnected from personal economic improvement?

Why do higher taxes not translate into improved services?

Why do energy transitions cost so much yet we are extending the life of coal power plants?

Why do I pay for healthcare yet my private health insurance keeps going up?

Why has Australia spent so much money on defence projects that never seem to materialise?

These are not fringe questions. They are mainstream concerns about the federal government.

The opportunity for Taylor is standing right there. Just provide an answer to those questions.

A centre-right leader who articulates a coherent economic narrative, one that acknowledges voter frustrations without retreating into simplistic solutions, could find receptive audiences across metropolitan and regional Australia alike.

The bigger problem

But leadership alone cannot solve structural problems.

The Liberal Party must also confront its internal identity crisis. A party caught between traditional conservatives, economic liberals, and socially moderate urban voters cannot thrive without reconciling competing visions. Electoral recovery requires not just a new leader, but a renewed sense of purpose.

This is nothing new. Jeff Kennett papered over the cracks of the Victorian Liberals, and John Howard dealt with one disaster after another from within his own party. But that’s where leadership matters most.

Australia, like many Western democracies, is searching for stability in an era of volatility.

Global models offer limited guidance. The UK is in a worse situation than Australia, and the Tories look set to be wiped off the map. Economic headwinds are widespread. Political polarisation is deepening. The appetite for strong leadership is growing, yet so is scepticism toward populism.

Which raises the central question:

Can Angus Taylor provide the kind of leadership that speaks to pragmatic, economically focused Australians who feel increasingly politically adrift? Can he put Australia back on the right course – one that relies on organic growth rather than artificial growth spurred by high government spending?

The answer will not be found in ideology alone.

It will be found in whether the Liberal Party can once again convince voters that it understands their lives, their pressures, and their aspirations, wherever they live, and has a credible plan to improve them.

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