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Some taxes are inefficient at any level. Even modest reforms will help

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Some taxes are inefficient at any level. Even modest reforms will help

Teerachai Jampanak/Shutterstock

Jason Nassios, Victoria University and James Giesecke, Victoria University

Australia’s tax system has come under scrutiny again ahead of the government’s reform roundtable later this month. Economists argue we could raise the same revenue with less economic harm by relying more on efficient taxes and less on inefficient ones.

Our new study offers fresh evidence that two of the most inefficient taxes, stamp duty and insurance taxes, remain harmful even at very low rates.

This strengthens the case for abolishing these taxes altogether, rather than merely scaling them back.

What makes a tax inefficient?

When economists call a tax “inefficient”, they mean it distorts economic activity by discouraging work, saving, investment or mobility. That creates an “excess burden”, a cost to society beyond the actual tax dollars collected.

The economic damage inflicted by raising a dollar of extra tax revenue is referred to as the “marginal excess burden”.

To illustrate, if a particular tax has a marginal excess burden of 25 cents, it means for each extra dollar the government raised through this tax, the economy would shrink by 25 cents. The reduction in economic activity comes from disincentives and distortions. The 25 cents is a pure loss: no one receives it.

Broad-based taxes like the GST and personal income tax have relatively low economic costs, especially compared to narrow taxes such as stamp duties and insurance duties.

What we did differently

Past studies have compared the economic damage of different taxes at current tax rates. But major reforms, like replacing stamp duties with higher income or consumption taxes, require large shifts in tax rates, which can alter how damaging each tax is.

Economic damage per dollar of tax revenue generally falls as a tax’s rate falls. This raises a question: could highly distortionary taxes such as stamp duty and insurance taxes become more efficient if they were set at much lower rates?

To test this, we asked: How does a tax’s economic damage change as we raise or lower its rate?

We built a detailed model of Australia’s economy, representing each state and territory separately, with all major taxes included at a granular, regional level. We then simulated how economic welfare changes as revenue from four key taxes is increased or reduced:

  • personal income tax
  • goods and services tax (GST)
  • stamp duties
  • insurance duties.

We focused on these four because they are frequently mentioned in Australian tax reform debates, and because national taxes (personal income tax and GST) are sometimes proposed as replacements for state-based ones (stamp duty and insurance duties).

The result: two taxes that remain inefficient at any level

The table below shows the economic damage, measured in cents of lost welfare per dollar raised, for each of the four taxes. In our journal paper, we also modelled a range of different options for each tax.

For example, stamp duty currently raises revenue equivalent to about 1.1% of GDP. At that rate, the last dollar of stamp duty raised causes 76 cents of economic loss. Our results show that even modest reforms will help: reducing stamp duty to raise revenue equal to 1% of GDP lowers the damage, to 73 cents.

However, our results also show that even at low revenue levels – just 0.01% of GDP – stamp duties and insurance duties still impose high marginal excess burdens: 39 cents and 31 cents, respectively.

These taxes have narrow bases and distort behaviour. Stamp duty discourages mobility, such as downsizing property or moving for a new job, and insurance duties discourage insurance uptake, making these taxes poor tools for raising even modest revenue.

In contrast, the GST and personal income tax cause much less economic damage at current rates (about 24 cents per dollar raised) compared to stamp duties or insurance taxes. While their efficiency declines as their revenue share of GDP rises, they still outperform stamp duty and insurance taxes.

This matters. Keeping inefficient taxes but raising only small amounts may seem politically easier, but our results show it still imposes high economic costs per dollar. Narrow based taxes like these should be removed entirely from Australia’s system.

A better tax mix could lift national welfare

We also modelled a revenue-neutral tax swap: abolish stamp duty and insurance duty, replacing the lost revenue with higher GST and personal income tax.

The most efficient mix – 48% of the replacement revenue from GST and 52% from income tax – would deliver a welfare gain equivalent to a one-off payment of about A$935 per household, and lift the economic damage of GST and personal income tax from 24 cents to 25.1 cents per dollar raised. This is much lower than both stamp duty and insurance taxes, even at very low revenue levels.

States could achieve similar gains independently of the federal government. In earlier work, we estimated payroll tax, another broad-based state tax, has an efficiency cost of about 22 cents, similar to personal income tax and GST. If the states acted together, payroll tax could be used to replace stamp and insurance duties.

The Australian Capital Territory is already phasing out stamp duty and Victoria has abolished stamp duty for commercial and industrial properties.

The path forward

Reform is not simple. Inefficient levies such as stamp duty and insurance taxes fund a large share of state budgets. Eliminating them would create major revenue gaps.

Letting Canberra raise the replacement revenue would worsen Australia’s already high fiscal imbalance between the states and federal government. That would deepen the divide between those who spend and those who tax, and weaken democratic accountability.

The alternative, getting all states to raise payroll taxes in unison, would be just as difficult, requiring complex negotiations.

Still, the economic case is clear: some taxes, especially stamp duty and insurance duty, are inefficient at any level. Replacing them sooner means greater long-term gains for Australians.The Conversation

Jason Nassios, Deputy Director and Associate Professor, Centre of Policy Studies, Victoria University and James Giesecke, Professor, Centre of Policy Studies and the Impact Project, Victoria University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Backlash over AI “Indigenous Host” sparks ethical debate

AI-generated “Indigenous host” sparks controversy, raising ethical concerns about representation and authenticity in social media.

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AI-generated “Indigenous host” sparks controversy, raising ethical concerns about representation and authenticity in social media.


A viral social media account featuring an AI-generated “Indigenous host” is drawing criticism from advocates and creators alike, raising questions about authenticity, representation, and ethics in the age of artificial intelligence. Critics argue that AI characters can displace real Indigenous voices and mislead audiences.

Dr Karen Sutherland from Uni SC discusses how AI is reshaping identity on social media and why the backlash over this account has ignited a wider conversation about “digital blackface” and the ethics of AI-generated personalities. She explores the fine line between education, entertainment, and exploitation.

The discussion also dives into monetisation, platform responsibility, and the broader risks AI poses to media and cultural representation. As AI becomes increasingly sophisticated, audiences and creators alike must consider what authenticity truly means online.

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#AIControversy #IndigenousVoices #DigitalBlackface #SocialMediaEthics #AIIdentity #OnlineBacklash #MediaEthics #RepresentationMatters


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Business class battles and ultra long-haul flights with Simon Dean

Aviation expert Simon Dean shares insights on premium travel trends, business class, and the future of ultra-long-haul flights.

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Aviation expert Simon Dean shares insights on premium travel trends, business class, and the future of ultra-long-haul flights.

From the latest trends in premium travel to the rise of ultra-long-haul flights, aviation reviewer Simon Dean from Flight Formula shares his firsthand insights on the airlines leading the charge.

We dive into what makes a great business class experience, and whether first class is still worth it in 2026. Simon breaks down common passenger misconceptions about premium cabins and explores how airlines are redesigning business class for comfort on the world’s longest flights.

He also gives a sneak peek into what excites—and worries him—about Qantas Project Sunrise, set to redefine ultra long haul travel.

Finally, we discuss the future of premium aviation: will ultra-long-haul flights become the new normal or remain a niche experience?

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#BusinessClass #UltraLongHaul #ProjectSunrise #AviationReview #FirstClass #AirlineTrends #TravelInsights #FlightFormula


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Trump’s expanding executive power raises alarms over Congress’ role

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Congress’ power has been diminishing for years, leaving Trump to act with impunity

Samuel Garrett, University of Sydney

A year into US President Donald Trump’s second term, his record use of executive orders, impoundment of government spending, and military interventions in Venezuela and Iran have sparked criticisms from Democrats and even some Republicans. They say he is unconstitutionally sidelining Congress.

As Trump increasingly wields his power unilaterally, some have wondered what the point of Congress is now. Isn’t it supposed to act as a check on the president?

But the power of the modern presidency had already been growing for decades. Successive presidents from both parties have taken advantage of constitutional vagaries to increase the power of the executive branch. It’s a long-running institutional battle that has underwritten US political history.

The years-long erosion of Congress’ influence leaves the president with largely unchecked power. We’re now seeing the consequences.

A fraught relationship

Congress is made up of the House of Representatives and the Senate. Under the US Constitution, it’s the branch of the government tasked with making laws. It’s supposed to act as a check on the president and the courts.

It can pass legislation, raise taxes, control government spending, review and approve presidential nominees, advise and consent on treaties, conduct investigations, declare war, impeach officials, and even choose the president in a disputed election.

But the Constitution leaves open many questions about where the powers of Congress end and the powers of the president begin.

In a 2019 ruling on Trump’s tax returns, the judge commented:

disputes between Congress and the President are a recurring plot in our national story. And that is precisely what the Framers intended.

Relative power between the different branches of the US government has changed since independence as constitutional interpretations shifted. This includes whether the president or Congress takes the lead on making laws.

Although Congress holds legislative power, intense negotiations between Congress and the executive branch (led by the president) are now a common feature of US lawmaking. Modern political parties work closely with the president to design and pass new laws.

Redefining the presidency

By contrast, presidents in the 19th and early 20th centuries generally left Congress to lead policymaking. Party “czars” in Congress dominated the national legislative agenda.

Future president Woodrow Wilson noted in 1885 that Congress:

has entered more and more into the details of administration, until it has virtually taken into its own hands all the substantial powers of government.

Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt after him would later help to redefine the president not only as the head of the executive branch, but as head of their party and of the government.

In the 1970s, in the wake of the Watergate scandal and secret bombing of Cambodia, Congress sought to expand its oversight over what commentators suggested was becoming an “imperial presidency”.

This included the passage of the 1973 War Powers Resolution, designed to wrest back Congressional control of unauthorised military deployments.

Nevertheless, the Clinton, George W. Bush and Obama administrations all argued that Congressional authorisation was not required for operations in Kosovo, Iraq and Libya (though Bush still sought authorisation to secure public support).

In turn, the Trump administration argued its actions in Venezuela were a law-enforcement operation, to which the resolution does not apply.

Why presidents bypass Congress

Historically, presidents have sought to bypass Congress for reasons of personality or politics. Controversial decisions that would struggle to pass through Congress are often made using executive orders.

Obama’s 2011 “We Can’t Wait” initiative used executive orders to enact policy priorities without needing to go through a gridlocked Congress. One such policy was the 2012 creation of the DACA program for undocumented immigrants.

Franklin Roosevelt’s use of executive orders dwarfed that of his predecessors. He issued eight times as many orders in his 12-year tenure than were signed in the first 100 years of the United States’ existence.

The question of what constitutes a genuine threat to the preservation of the nation is especially pertinent now. More than 50 “national emergencies” are currently in effect in the United States.

This was the controversial basis of Trump’s tariff policy under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. It bypassed Congressional approval and is now being considered by the Supreme Court.

Recent presidents have also increasingly claimed executive privilege to block Congress’ subpoena power.

Institutional wrestling

Institutional wrestling is a feature of Congressional relations with the president, even when the same party controls the White House and both chambers of the legislature, as the Republican party does now.

While Roosevelt dominated Congress, his “court-packing plan” to take control of the US Supreme Court in 1937 proved a bridge too far, even for his own sweeping Democratic majorities. The Democrats controlled three quarters of both the House and Senate and yet refused to back his plan.

More recently, former Democrat Speaker Nancy Pelosi delivered many of Barack Obama’s early legislative achievements, but still clashed with the president in 2010 over congressional oversight.

As House minority leader, she rallied many Democrats against Obama’s US$1.1 trillion (A$1.6 trillion) budget proposal in 2014. Obama was forced to rely on Republican votes in 2015 to secure approval for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, despite his heavy lobbying of congressional Democrats.

Even today’s Congress, which has taken Trump’s direction at almost every turn, demonstrated its influence perhaps most notably by forcing the president into a backflip on the release of the Epstein files after a revolt within Trump’s supporters in the Republican party.

Given the extremely slim Republican majority in Congress, the general unity of the Republican party behind Trump has been a key source of his political strength. That may be lost if public opinion continues to turn against him.

Is Trump breaking the rules?

Trump and his administration have taken an expansive view of presidential power by regularly bypassing Congress.

But he’s not the first president to have pushed the already blurry limits of executive power to redefine what is or is not within the president’s remit. The extent to which presidents are even bound by law at all is a matter of long running academic debate.

Deliberate vagaries in US law and the Constitution mean the Supreme Court is ultimately the arbiter of what is legal.

The court is currently the most conservative in modern history and has taken a sweeping view of presidential power. The 2024 Supreme Court ruling that presidents enjoy extensive immunity suggests the president is, in fact, legally able to do almost anything.

Regardless, public opinion and perceptions of illegality continue to be one of the most important constraints on presidential action. Constituents can take a dim view of presidential behaviour, even if it’s not technically illegal.

Even if Trump can legally act with complete authority, it’s public opinion — not the letter of the law — that may continue to shape when, and if, he does so.The Conversation

Samuel Garrett, Research Associate, United States Studies Centre, University of Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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